Middle East Watch


March 10, 2011, 2:39 p.m. | By Biruk Bekele | 13 years, 9 months ago


When senior Nadia Kadry arrived home from school on Feb. 11, she walked right into the middle of a party. Like her relatives on the streets of Egypt, Kadry's parents were celebrating the sudden fall of a dictator that ruled for the last three decades.


For Kadry and her parents, former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was a symbol of absolute power. In their minds, the idea of overthrowing such a dominant ruler was nothing but a faint hope, something they desired but never expected. However, in just 18 days, starting on Jan. 15, Egyptians created a new chapter of their nation's history and came together to expel a government they believed to be repressive and unjust.

Pressure release

Prior to the protests, Egypt was controlled by a small group of elitists, says Peter Wien, University of Maryland Assistant Professor of Middle Eastern History. Economically, a great disparity existed between the middle class and the wealthy. As government officials and affluent businessmen took in a large portion of the nation's money, Wien says middle class workers were forced to take several jobs to make ends meet. "This leads to a lot of frustration," he says.

Dustin Carell Cowell, Chair of the Department of African Languages and Literature at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, adds that political repression was a major factor that led to the revolution. Mubarak had declared a state of emergency for the entire duration of his rule, allowing his administration to break laws that protected Egyptians' civil liberties. Citizens were beaten and sometimes killed for speaking out against Mubarak and his regime. "When police come and beat up somebody for no reason, you lose all faith with the government," Cowell says.


Junior Rhonda Eltobgi, who has family in Cairo, says she understood the problems facing Egypt but never expected such a revolution to occur. On her last visit to Egypt, Eltobgi witnessed her family's financial struggles and their disapproval of the government's economic policies. "No matter how hard they worked, money was always a problem," Eltobgi says. "Everyone was hoping for a better president, but I wasn't expecting a revolution at all."

Blair alumnus Mate Nikola Tokic', who currently works at the American University in Cairo, says he too was surprised that Egyptians expelled Mubarak from power. Instead, he believed the nation would start a revolution after the death of Mubarak, while looking to replace him. "Having lived in Egypt for 18 months, I was convinced that an uprising like this was possible, considering the palpable discontent of both the lower and middle classes," he says. "But I never would have imagined it happening while Mubarak was still alive and in power. "

According to Eric Goldstein, Deputy Director of the Middle East and North Africa Division at Human Rights Watch, Egyptians gradually grew frustrated with the authoritarian government. Youth groups had attempted to organize protests before but were unsuccessful. In January, Egyptians found a new source of inspiration after Tunisians forced authoritative President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali out of power. Soon, with the help of the Muslim Brotherhood — Egypt's biggest opposition party — large groups of young, middle-class Egyptians were able to excite the whole nation and begin demonstrations in Tahrir Square in Cairo. Goldstein adds that social media, including Facebook and Twitter, played a large role in helping youth organize protests. Egyptians to created online groups and expressed their concerns freely. "There were circumstances in Egypt that made the nation ripe for a successful revolution," Goldstein says. "A perfect storm of factors contributed to it."

Writing a new chapter

The protests started off peacefully on Jan. 25, according to Wien, but turned violent overnight as police forces attacked protesters. Within a week, however, the thousands of protesters outnumbered police who were eventually forced to withdraw. With no police to restore order, gangs of looters and thugs roamed the streets targeting shops and private homes.

As protests were underway in Egypt, thousands of miles away in the United States, Eltobgi was worried for her family back home. Eltobgi's cousin, Muhammad, was injured by police officers in Alexandria but continued to protest. Her family communicated with relatives in Egypt via webcam or telephone, but soon the government blocked phone and internet service, making it impossible for Eltobgi to learn about her family's safety. "My family could have been killed and injured, and the fact that I couldn't get in touch with them was even harder," says Eltobgi.

Then on Feb. 1, after a large-scale demonstration in Cairo, Mubarak declared that he would not run for reelection. The nation was unmoved and protests continued. In response, Mubarak supporters emerged and attacked protesters. Riots soon broke out between the two groups.
Kadry's aunts and uncles participated in the Cairo protests at first but decided to stay home after the increased violence. They did not feel safe outside of their house and food shortages became a major concern. "They weren't able to go about their daily lives because they were so scared to go outside," Kadry says.

According to Wien, a Feb. 7 televised interview with Wael Ghonim — a Google executive and political activist — marked a turning point in the revolution. After 11 days of protests, Egyptians were frustrated that Mubarak remained in power. Some protesters wanted to give in due to the revolution's impact on everyday life: shops were closed, the internet was down and chaos ensued.

However, Wien says that Ghonim's emotional interview united Egyptians even more. After the interview, a record number of protesters flooded the streets. "You saw the number of demonstrators skyrocket and there were millions of people on the streets," Wien says.
Although the military had supported Mubarak during his rule, because of the enormous pressure from the protesters, it ultimately sided with them, contributing to the eventual fall of the Mubarak administration, Goldstein says.

Only the beginning

Mubarak's departure was a key milestone for Egyptians in search of freedom and equality. Yet, according to Goldstein, the revolution will only truly end with a successful transition to democracy. "All dictators, when they leave — they leave a mess behind them," he says.
After taking control of the nation following Mubarak's fall, the Egyptian military now plays a crucial role in cleaning up Mubarak's mess and ensuring that the nation successfully holds free elections, Goldstein says.

According to Kadry, the Egyptian people have faith in the military because of its role as mediator during the protests. However, Wien says that the military will not let go of its power easily, especially since it has been a major power in Egypt for the last 60 years. Although the military has pledged to set up elections within six months, Wien says it's hard to predict whether it will fulfill this promise. He believes the military will attempt to influence the elections and support candidates that serve its interests. "They are deeply entrenched in the Egyptian economy," he says. "They have a strong interest in remaining in this position."

So far, the military has created a commission to rewrite Egypt's constitution and election laws. These reforms will then be included in a referendum where Egyptian people can directly vote on them, according to Wien.

In addition to empowering the Egyptian people, Tokic' says that the revolution in Egypt has triggered many protests in other parts of the Middle East including Libya, Bahrain and Yemen. "The example shown by the Egyptian people that a regime can be toppled has shown the whole region that it is possible anywhere," he says.




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